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Princely Count Mikhail Andreyevich Miloradovich (Russian: Михаи́л Андре́евич Милора́дович, Miloradovitch in contemporary English sources) (October 12 [O.S. October 1] 1771 – December 27 [O.S. December 15] 1825) was a Russian general prominent during the Napoleonic Wars. Miloradovich joined military service on the eve of the Russo-Swedish War of 1788–1790 and made a rapid career in the reign of Paul I, serving under Alexander Suvorov during Italian and Swiss campaigns of 1799.
Miloradovich served in wars against France and Turkey, earning distinction in the Battle of Amstetten, the capture of Bucharest, Battle of Borodino, Battle of Tarutino and Battle of Vyazma. He led the reserves into the Battle of Kulm, Battle of Leipzig and the Battle of Paris. Miloradovich attained the rank of General of the Infantry in 1809 and the title of a count in 1813. His reputation as a daring battlefield commander ("the Russian Murat" and "the Russian Bayard") rivalled that of his bitter personal enemy Pyotr Bagration, but Miloradovich also had a distinction of being lucky. He boasted that he has fought fifty battles but had not been ever wounded or even scratched by the enemy.
By 1818, when Miloradovich was appointed Governor General of Saint Petersburg, retirement or death of senior generals made him the highest-decorated active officer of the Russian Army with Order of St. George 2nd class, Order of St. Andrew, Order of St. Vladimir 1st class, Order of St. Anna 1st class, Order of St. John of Jerusalem and Order of St. Alexander Nevsky with diamonds. Miloradovich, a chivalrous man of boastful and flamboyant temper, was a poor fit for the job. Vladimir Nabokov called him "a gallant soldier, bon vivant and a somewhat bizarre administrator"; Alexander Herzen wrote that he was "one of those military men who occupied the most senior positions in civilian life with not the slightest idea about public affairs".
When the news of the death of Alexander I reached Saint Petersburg, Miloradovich prevented the heir, future tsar Nicholas I from assuming the power. From December 9 [O.S. November 27] to December 25 [O.S. December 13], 1825 Miloradovich exercised de facto dictatorial authority but ultimately recognised Nicholas as his sovereign after the Romanovs sorted out the succession crisis. He had sufficient evidence of the mounting Decembrist revolt but did not take any action until the rebels took over the Senate Square on December 26 [O.S. December 14] 1825. Miloradovich rode out in the rows of rebel troops, attempted to talk them into obedience, and was fatally shot by Pyotr Kakhovsky and stabbed by Yevgeny Obolensky.
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Mikhail Miloradovich was born to the family of Major General Andrey Miloradovich of Rabrenovich and Dubrava (1726–1798). The Russian branch of Serbian Miloradovich family was established in 1715 when Mikhail Miloradovich (the first), one of three brothers recruited by Peter I to incite rebellion against the Turks four years earlier, fled from Herzegovina to Russia and joined Peter’s service as a colonel. In the end of Peter's reign he was imprisoned in connection with Pavlo Polubotok's treason case and was spared from further misfortune by Peter's death. His grandson Andrey served thirty years in Russian Army and later moved into civil administration, as the Governor of Little Russia and Chernigov governorate. The family owned lands in Poltava Governorate; Miloradovich inherited up to fifteen hundred serfs.
Father "enrolled" Mikhail in the military in his infancy; he later sent teenage Mikhail to study military sciences in the universities of Königsberg and Göttingen, Strasbourg and Metz. According to Nikolai Leskov, the education was superficial: a boy of "charming ignorance" did not even master French language properly and his French was littered with the "most grave and curious mistakes" (an anecdote credited him with blending pittoresque and synagogue into "pittagogue"). Sixteen-year-old Mikhail returned to Russia in 1787, joined the service in earnest in the rank of praporshchik of prestigious Izmaylovsky Regiment and soon departed into action of the Russo-Swedish War of 1788–1790.
Miloradovich did not earn any distinction in the war of 1788–1790 but made a fast peacetime career. A captain of the Guards in 1796, he enjoyed good disposition of Paul I and was promoted to the rank of colonel in 1797 and Major General and chief of the Apsheron Regiment in 1798. In the same year he departed to join Alexander Suvorov's troops in Italy. He won Suvorov's unconditional trust for taking Lecco on the eve of the Battle of Cassano and for commanding rear guard in the crossing of Gotthard Pass. At Bassignana he changed three horses killed by the enemy but was not even scratched; at Altdorf he lead assault infantry over a burning bridge. These and similar episodes, true or anecdotal, forged public opinion of Miloradovich as a daring and lucky field commander, an opinion that he himself cultivated for the rest of his life. Miloradovich was adored at home but the French held a different opinion: Adolphe Thiers called of Miloradovich "a Servian (sic) of the most astonishing bravery but utterly ignorant of all military science, untutored in his manners, and uniting in his character every vice both of savage and civilised life".
Paul rewarded Miloradovich with the Order of St. Anne 1st degree, Order of St. John of Jerusalem and Order of St. Alexander Nevsky. Suvorov, in violation of military codes, transferred Miloradovich from field troops to his staff as a "general in waiting"; Paul later cited this fact as a pretext to dismiss Suvorov. Friendship between Miloradovich and Paul's second son Constantine also dated back to the Swiss campaign. Constantine awarded Miloradovich a gilded sword with an insciption To my friend Miloradovich, which Miloradovich had with him on the day of his death.
Miloradovich played the key role in the Battle of Amstetten where Kutuzov ordered his three regiments to take a stand and provide a relief for Bagration’s troops. "Above all, skillful maneuvering of the Russian force, including timely arrival of Miloradovich and his intelligent application of the reserve forces at his disposal, prevented the collapse of the rear guard". The action at Amstetten allowed Kutuzov to break contact with the French and prevented an all-out battle which would be disastrous for the Russians. Reports of the battle by Miloradovich himself contradict the French accounts and are not corroborated by Bagration’s laconic report: each side presented their own perspective, and Miloradovich had a particular penchant for glorifying his own actions. Action at Amstetten was rewarded with Order of St. George, 3rd class and promotion to Lieutenant General. On November 11, 1805 Miloradovich attacked the French in the Battle of Dürenstein (Battle of Krems in Russian sources) but the French withdrew before his corps could inflict significant damage.
Battle of Austerlitz saw Miloradovich in charge of the Russian part of a Russian-Austrian infantry column (2,875 of 11,795 men), one of the four columns placed on Pratzen heights abandoned by the French. Another and larger of the column was under Austrian command; close presence of Kutuzov somewhat mitigated the perils of divided command. Alexander ordered movement of this column before others were deployed; Kutuzov, unable to oppose the tsar, ordered Miloradovich to advance across Goldbach stream to Kobylnice, disregarding enemy action and difficult terrain. Hills and fog obstructed view, and the column marched straight into the bulk of French armies. Eventually, Soult’s troops mauled the mixed column and Miloradovich retreated. Alexander summoned his brother Constantine for help although an alternative account by Bowden and Duffy asserts that Miloradovich contacted Constantine himself. Contrary to the popular opinion that "he was almost the only Russian general who obtained any advantage over the French" at Austerlitz, general Karl Wilhelm von Toll contested Miloradovich's actions, asserting that his column was the first to fall back and that it was Bagration, not Miloradovich, who saved the allied troops from annihilation.
The war of 1806–1812 began with Russian occupation of Moldavia and Wallachia. After the Turks responded with taking hold of Bucharest, Russian commander-in-chief Johann von Michelsohn dispatched Miloradovich to intervene. Miloradovich captured Bucharest on December 13, without significant resistance from the Turks, and was rewarded with a golden sword with diamonds For the taking of Bucharest. The Turks, manipulated by the French envoy Sebastiani, did not declare war until five days later but no large-scale action followed. In May 1807 Miloradovich attempted taking of Giurgiu but failed and fell back to Bucharest. On June 2, 1807 he redeemed himself with checking the Turkish advance at Obilesti.
The years 1808 and 1809 did not see any remarkable action either, but were marked by a dual intrigue among top Russian generals; on the top level, Mikhail Kutuzov conflicted with Alexander Prozorovsky and below them burned a feud between Miloradovich and Pyotr Bagration. Bagration temporarily succeeded Prozorovsky as commander-in-chief, but later both Miloradovich and Bagration lost their commands. In the beginning of 1810 Alexander recalled Miloradovich from front-line duty and tasked him with assembling a new army in Belarus. In April 1810 Miloradovich was appointed Governor of Kiev but soon tended his resignation. He was officially discharged in September 1810, but called back into service in November, again as Governor of Kiev.
In the beginning of the 1812 campaign, Miloradovich was tasked with assembling and training volunteer militia troops in the hinterland; he returned to action on the eve of the Battle of Borodino with 14,600 militiamen. Kutuzov appointed Miloradovich commander of front-line forces of the right (northern) flank, comprising Baggovut's Second Infantry Corps and Ostermann-Tolstoy's Fourth Infantry Corps. Battle plan tasked Miloradovich with protecting the old Smolensk-Moscow road. On the day of the battle, September 7 [O.S. August 26], Kutuzov realised that enemy action concentrated against his center and left flank, and about 9 a.m. ordered Miloradovich to march to the south and attack the French left flank. Riding in advance of his troops, Miloradovich was caught in the very heat of the battle for Semyonovskoe and sought refuge, along with Barclay, Yermolov and Rayevsky, in the defences of the Fourth Division. Between 10 a.m. and 12 noon his troops took a stand in the center of the Russian line, and held off French attacks, with Baggovut's corps seeing critical action around noon, and Ostermann's corps around 4 p.m. By the end of the battle the French succeeded in forcing the Russians from their defences, and Miloradovich's troops fell back to the same Smolensk road from where they started. Baggovut took a stand there and held the road until the night against ferocious attacks of Polish cavalry.
After the battle Miloradovich took command of rear guard sheltering Kutuzov's army from the advancing French; enemy pressure prevented him from attending the Council in Fili that decided to surrender Moscow. Miloradovich, acting on behalf of Kutuzov, made a deal with Murat: if the French wanted Moscow intact, they had to allow Miloradovich free passage to the east, or face stubborn urban warfare. Hereford George wrote that "Murat apparently deemed it beneath his dignity to confer with a mere general" and left the talks to Sebastiani. According to Fyodor Glinka, Murat and Miloradovich negotiated directly to each other prior to surrender of Moscow; Miloradovich contacted Sebastiani after the French took Moscow and their cavalry engaged Russian rear. Sebastiani honoured the accord, called back the cavalry and allowed safe retreat of two Russian regiments trapped between advancing French columns. Temporary loss of contact between Murat and Russian rear guard allowed Kutuzov to make a westward turn: Murat kept on advancing south-east towards Bronnitsy while Kutuzov marched in the opposite direction.
On September 20 [O.S. September 8] Kutuzov took defensive positions at Podolsk and dispatched Miloradovich to take stand in front of the advancing French, 12 kilometers to the east. Four days later Murat engaged Miloradovich and forced him to fall back to Krasnaya Pakhra (deliberately setting the trap, according to Glinka). Miloradovich barely escaped death or captivity when his headquarters were raided by French cavalry scouts on September 27 [O.S. September 15]. September 29 [O.S. September 17] Miloradovich successfully counterattacked Murat's corps at Chirikovo, taking one general de brigade prisoner. At this point Kutuzov preferred to retreat further south; the main army marched to Tarutino, while Miloradovich, now having Ostermann-Tolstoy's corps under command, retreated to a fallback position on Chernishnya River, 8 kilometers north from Tarutino. Glinka wrote that from September 9 [O.S. August 28] to October 5 [O.S. September 23] Miloradovich was continuously fighting the French, including four significant battles, and lamented that few of his deeds reached the public eye: "He is not a hero of Vedomosti, but a hero of history and future." During the standoff on Chernishnya Miloradovich had another person-to-person negotiation with Murat, while his own camp was filled with masses of French stragglers taken prisoner. Modern Russian historians criticised his actions in the Battle of Tarutino (October 18 [O.S. October 6]), when poor coordination of Russian columns met its match in poor discipline of the French camp, as indecisive but to contemporaries like Glinka and William Cathcart the battle was a clear success.
After the battle of Maloyaroslavets Russian troops split into three pursuit columns led by Miloradovich, Matvey Platov and Kutuzov himself. Miloradovich marched directly on Vyazma, occupied by four French corps (Beauharnais, Davout, Ney, Poniatowski) with Platov closing on it from the north; on October 31 [O.S. October 19] Miloradovich and Platov agreed to storm Vyazma. The Battle of Vyazma began at dawn of November 3 [O.S. October 22]. Miloradovich quickly deployed front-line artillery that withstood Beauharnais' counterstrike and forced Davout's troops to take cover in the forest. Davout lost two hours taking a detour to reunite with Ney in Vyazma; at 2 p.m., when Miloradovich ordered general assault, the French were already unable to resist. By 5 p.m. Miloradovich took control of the city, capturing French supply trains (but only three cannons).
On November 15 [O.S. November 3] Miloradovich's three corps, marching ahead of the retreating French, took position in the French rear near Krasny. Miloradovich began the three-day Battle of Krasnoi by capturing a large supply train and cutting Ney and Beauharnais from Napoleon's army. On the next day Beauharnais exhausted his troops in a breakthrough and denied Miloradovich's offer to surrender; at night the decimated remains of his corps escaped through the woods. On November 18 [O.S. November 6] Ney made his own unsuccessful attempt to break through Miloradovich's defences. Miloradovich, again, offered honorable surrender but Ney arrested the messenger and expended his 10th and 11th divisions in a frontal assault. At night his forces of three thousand men escaped over the frozen Dnieper, but only 800 made it to Orsha. Miloradovich missed the opportunity to intercept the French crossing of Berezina by two days.
In December 1812, Alexander awarded Miloradovich the Order of St. George, 2nd class. In line with Kutuzov's December Plan, Miloradovich led a Russian vanguard due west and took Warsaw on Febryary 8 [O.S. January 27] 1813.
The appointment of Peter Wittgenstein commander-in-chief of the united Russian-Prussian armies provoked open hostility by his new subordinates and at the same time seniors Miloradovich, Barclay de Tolly, Langeron, Platov and Tormasov. Tormasov refused to obey Wittgenstein altogether and left the army, Miloradovich stayed and became the "official speaker" for the opposition. The conflict burned until the failures at Lutzen and Bautzen compelled Wittgenstein to resign his command.
Miloradovich's own record in May 1813 was mixed: at Lutzen his corps of 12,000 men arrived too late to influence the outcome. In the following week he covered the retreat to Elbe River. Thiers wrote that the French "made him pay dearly for his useless boast". Cathcart praised his skillful rear guard action but noted that by May 12 his corps had shrunk to about 10,000. At Bautzen Miloradovich managed to push Oudinot out of Tronberg, but the battle as a whole remained a French victory.
Miloradovich and Constantine spent the remainder of the war, almost a year, in close cooperation and proximity as chiefs of infantry and cavalry reserves. In August 1813, after expiry of the Truce of Pläswitz, Miloradovich led the reserve force of 24 thousand Guards and Grenadiers into Bohemia, Constantine followed him with 11,000 "splendid cavalry" and artillery. Together with Barclay’s headquarters they formed one of four allied columns that converged on Dresden but had not been brought into the action of the Battle of Dresden. Three days later they were employed against Vandamme in the Battle of Kulm, a "fortunate victory that conferred advantages beyond all calculations". On the eve of the Battle of Leipzig the forces of Miloradovich and Constantine, stationed near Margeborn, formed the reserve of coalition army. In December 1813 they crossed the Rhine and headed into France.
His actions in 1813 were rewarded with the Order of St. Andrew, the title of Count and the right to wear Alexander's insignia on his shoulder, the first such honor ever granted in Russia. Miloradovich concluded the campaign of 1814, his last one, in Paris. After general Gorchakov’s infantry overran the French defensive artillery, Miloradovich was the one to bring in twenty howitzers and open fire at the city.
After the Treaty of Fontainebleau Alexander appointed Miloradovich commander of Imperial Guard corps; in 1818 Miloradovich became Governor of Saint Petersburg, assuming command of all troops, police and civil administration of the imperial capital. He had unconditional trust of Alexander who could hardly find a worst candidate for the job. Miloradovich, as chief of police, controlled political surveillance and investigation in Saint Petersburg but the events of 1825 demonstrated that he ultimately failed to respond to the real threat. He dismissed the evidence against the Decembrists, saying that "It's all stuff, leave these young blockheads alone to read to each other their trash of miserably verses".
His affection to arts and his ex officio duty as a censor at the peak of the Golden Age of Russian poetry resulted in his frequent contacts with authors and actors, and it should be no surprise that, apart from his death and his actions during the disastrous flood of 1824, his administration was largely remembered through anecdotes and artists's memoirs, of varying reliability. This was not uncommon for Russian commanders; Nikolay Raevsky said that "they [the writers of his time] turned me into a Roman, Miloradovich into a great man, Wittgenstein into the saviour of fatherland, and Kutuzov into Fabius. I am not a Roman, and neither are these gentlemen."
Alexander Herzen who met Miloradovich in early childhood and fondly remembered him as a storyteller "with the greatest vivacity, with lively mimicry, with roars of laughter" ridiculed Miloradovich as an administrator yet called him "a warrior poet who understood poetry... grand things are done by great means." Herzen's memoirs provide a number of anecdotes on Miloradovich the administrator (none of which could have been witnessed by the narrator).
In 1820 Miloradovich interrogated Alexander Pushkin on suspicion of political propaganda. Pushkin's name had already become a blanket cover for all kinds of incendiary pamphlets and he was desperate to clear himself of dangerous misattributions. Pushkin said that he burned his "contraband poems" and recited some from memory. Miloradovich uttered Ah, c'est chevalresque, dismissed the charges, and sent Pushkin on a well-paid tour of the South. Vladimir Nabokov noted that all of Pushkin's influential friends would not save him had it not been for Miloradovich's "amiable conduct of the whole affair". There was a rumor that Pushkin was flogged on orders of Miloradovich, and at least one offender had to answer for it in a duel.
Author and publisher Nikolai Grech retold another, less inspiring, episode: in 1824 Miloradovich vigorously investigate alleged breach of censorship rules at a printshop owned by Grech and Bezacque. Fifteen years earlier, when Miloradovich and Pyotr Bagration had a feud, Bezacque was Bagration’s secretary and apparently became a life enemy for Miloradovich. Grech easily dismissed "factual evidence" and could escape unharmed, but Miloradovich crushed his belated revenge onto Grech and waged full police and court inquiry against him that dragged on until 1828. Miloradovich, most likely, did not realise that the whole case was set up by Arakcheev and Magnitsky to unseat Alexander Golitsyn.
The lifestyle of the "bizarre administrator" was just as bizarre. Miloradovich lived alone in a luxurious apartment "in complete disarray coupled with the most exquisite taste" without a single bedroom: he used to say that "I spend the night where I feel like". Family fortune and rewards from the tsar could not match his spending, and he swindled most of his lands and serfs. Posthumous sale of his remaining estate barely covered his debts.
In 1821 theatre managers Apollon Maikov and count Alexander Shakhovskoy allegedly tried to manipulate Miloradovich to overthrow the stern and frugal director of imperial theatres Prince Tyufyakin. Miloradovich lent them support and then himself "grabbed both the power and the purse strings"; Miloradovich, Maikov and Shakhovskoy became a "committee of three formidable officials" that governed the everyday life of the imperial theatres. The change coincided with rumours of Shakhovskoy's trafficking in actresses; death of Miloradovich and ascension of Nicholas I ended Shakhovskoy's career.
Private life of Miloradovich, who never married and had no offspring, has been a controversial subject. Contemporaries condemned him for a desire "to create his own harem in the theatre school" that allegedly became a reality through the servility of Shakhovskoy and Maikov. According to these sources, Miloradovich "had a weakness for women" and regularly spent evenings in the company of Shakhovskoy and female trainees of his theatre school; the chosen favorites then enjoyed the general's benevolence after graduation. Catherine Shuler noted that the appetites of Miloradovich and other dignitaries could be the cause of high "traffic in women" on stage and that "the resemblance between serf actresses and imperial actresses is surely not coincidental". Alexandra Kolosova, in 1822, was the first actress to break the ring and flee to Paris; upon return to Saint Petersburg Kolosova sought protection from Alexander but Miloradovich had her arrested for twenty-four hours for turning down "the most insignificant role" offered to her. Miloradovich had lead actor Vasily Karatygin arrested for similar insubordination; when the prisoner's mother pleaded for mercy, Miloradovich responded: "I only like comedy onstage. I've seen blood, madam, tears don't move me".
Vladimir Bryukhanov suggested that Miloradovich was homosexual, disregarding or dismissing evidence to the contrary like the memoirs of Nadezhda Durova (Durova, disguised as a young man, was aide to Miloradovich in 1810, and later wrote about his affairs with women and their influence on the general's demeanor and relationships with subordinate officers). Mainstream version of events holds that the his last passion was ballerina Yekaterina Teleshova, who earlier had an affair with Alexander Griboyedov, a diplomat "too short of money to be a long-term rival to the general" (Griboyedov soon wrote "... Miloradovich, that boastful idiot, whom Shakhovskoy grovels to and idolises. They are both cattle."). Allegedly, the news of the Decembrist revolt caught the general unawares in Teleshova's bedroom and he hurried into the action with his pants undone.
In the summer of 1823 Alexander I issued a secret manifest excluding Constantine from the order of succession and making Nicholas heir presumptive to the throne. Historians argue whether Miloradovich had been formally made aware of Alexander's decision or not. Only three men – Aleksey Arakcheyev, Alexander Golitsyn, and Archbishop Filaret – definitely knew the contents and whereabouts of the manifest; neither Contantine nor Nicholas knew the whole story.
On December 9 [O.S. November 27], 1825, when news of Alexander's death in Taganrog reached Saint Petersburg, Miloradovich bullied Nicholas into submission and persuaded him to pledge allegiance to Constantine who was then living in Warsaw as viceroy of Poland. Golitsyn arrived at the palace later and announced the terms of Alexander's manifest, but Miloradovich persuaded the State Council that Nicholas was aware of it and that his pledge to Constantine was effectively an act of abdication. Miloradovich then sent a messenger to Moscow with two instructions: to pledge allegiance to Constantin and to keep the original of Alexander's manifest secret and locked. Faced with the question, "What if Constantine holds to his resignation?", Miloradovich allegedly responded, "When one has one hundred thousand bayonets in one's pocket, it is easy to speak with boldness".
Correspondence between Saint Petersburg and Warsaw took two weeks, during which Miloradovich behaved like de-facto interrex and regularly assured Nicholas that "everything is quiet". Constantine firmly refused to reign and blessed his brother to the throne, but for a while hesitant Nicholas took no action. On the morning of December 24 [O.S. December 12] Nicholas received detailed reports of the brewing Decembrist revolt from Diebitsch and Chernyshov, and discussed the matter with Miloradovich and Golitsyn. According to Nicholas himself, the evidence was overwhelming; Miloradovich promised to mobilise all police resources and did nothing or, according to Korf, "his investigations remained completely fruitless ... not one person on whom suspicion could reasonably fall".
The actions of Miloradovich during the interregnum were highly controversial and provoked fringe conspiracy theories placing him on top of the Decembrist rebel ring. Mainstream historians provide different explanations of his motives, none of which supports the theory of "Decembrist Miloradovich":
At 8 p.m. December 25 [O.S. December 13] Nicholas declared himself emperor; at 7 a.m. December 26 [O.S. December 14] Miloradovich, along with all senior statesmen present in Saint Petersburg, pledged his loyalty to Nicholas (Korf suggested that Miloradovich recognised Nicholas as early as December 12). Once again Miloradovich assured Nicholas that the city is "perfectly tranquil"; Alexander von Benckendorff and other witnesses wrote that he was in his usual boastful optimistic mood. Three hours later, when Miloradovich enjoyed a breakfast with Teleshova, general Neidhardt reported to Nicholas that the troops were marching towards the palace "in absolute mutiny".
About noon Miloradovich, "whom nobody has seen since the morning", reported to Nicholas on Palace Square. Witnesses disagree whether he was mounted or on foot but all accounts point at his extraordinary excitation and loss of self-control. According to Nicholas, Miloradovich told him: Сеlа vа mаl; ils marchent au Senat, mais jе vаis leur раrlеr (French: "It is bad, they march toward Senate but I will talk to them"). Nicholas coldly responded that Miloradovich must do his duty of the military governor and calm down his troops. Miloradovich saluted, turned around, and headed to the Mounted Guards' barracks. General Orlov of the Mounted pleaded with Miloradovich to stay with loyal troops but Miloradovich refused to take cover, mounted a horse and rode out to the rows of rebel troops, accompanied either by two aides or only by Bashutsky on foot. Miloradovich harangued the soldiers for obedience, showing Constantines' sword "to prove that he would have been incapable of betraying him." Safonov pointed out that, instead of executing the tsars' order to lead the Mounted Guards against the rebels, Miloradovich "disobeyed it in a most incredible way ... by going into the action alone."
Between 12:20 and 12:30 Pyotr Kakhovsky shot MIloradovich point-blank in the back; "the bullet travelling up from below, from the back to the chest, tore the diaphragm, broke through all the parts and stopped beneath the right nipple". When Miloradovich slumped from his horse on the ground, Yevgeny Obolensky stabbed him with a bayonet. Miloradovich was taken to a nearby house, but by the time the surgeons arrived on the scene the marauders had stripped Miloradovich of his clothes, medals and jewellery. Medics removed the bullet (it was later delivered to Nicholas); Miloradovich remained conscious and dictated his last will in a letter to the tsar. There were three pleas: to send His Majesty's regards to his relatives, to grant liberty to his serfs, and to "not forget the old Maikov". Miloradovich passed away around 3 a.m. on December 15. After six days of lying in state he was buried with honours at the Alexander Nevsky Lavra.
Investigation of Decembrist revolt ended in hanging of Kakhovsky and four his ringleaders and did not reveal any illicit connection between Decembrists and Miloradovich. The second killer, Obolensky, was stripped of his princely title and exiled in Siberia for thirty years.